The attitudes towards Photography in 1980s in Iran
The attitudes towards Photography in 1980s in Iran: From social documentary to formalism
Hadi Azari Azghandi
It can be said that photography was rediscovered in Iran as the occurred events which were ended in the revolution of February 1979. By the occurrence of Iran revolution, the photography which was somehow decorative and elegant was suddenly became a committed and formal activity, it also became a deliration to be royal to reality and a commitment to representing all kinds of injustice, cruelty, and social inequality. it should be said that this does not mean that before the Iran's revelation, the photographers had never used the camera to represent inequality, but this impression of photography was a marginal discourse and approach such as the photographs of Kaveh Golestan, Nasrollah Kasrayian, and Hengameh Golestan and not any more photographers. The dominant discourse of photography before the years of Iran's revolution was followed in the pictorial magazines. That is, the photograph was a decorative, promotional, and informative object. This was an approach that was strongly followed in pictorial magazines such as Ferdosi and Zan-e-Rooz.
By the revolution, society had addled that it would not simply subside, and had effects on all fields, the arts and of course, the photography. The revolutionary mood with the pessimism of the imperial regime's cultural and artistic activists and practitioners caused to create the basis of activity for passionate and inexperienced people. In short, among the intellectual and political beliefs that existed at the beginning of the revolution, religious scholars and practitioners of the velayat-e faqih was the top one compare to other political patterns and groups.
In fact, the victory of the revolution was the result of the union of secular groups, national-religious, and traditional religious groups which had led to the victory of constitutional revolution. (1, p. 146) However, this unity did not last long, and the revolutionary atmosphere just needed the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini. The abolition of the Provisional Government and the marginalization of other political groups provided the basis for the discourse of the school-based forces that included the legitimacy of Islam, paying attention to the oppressed, social justice, the redistribution of wealth, the state economy, democracy, martyrdom, and mobilization. In addition, stickle with the arrogance, transformation of the West, and pessimism to international organizations was among the other concepts and slogans of this dominant political movement. (4, p. 53 and 54)
Despite some disagreements in the administration of religion among religious people on issues such as freedom of expression and civil liberties, there was little disagreement at the grassroots level among the political groups, and most of them emphasized supporting the oppressed and rebating the class distinctions. As an example, we can refer to "Our positions" pamphlet belonging to the Islamic Republic Party which stated: "In the Islamic economic system, the areas of exploitation of the owners of capital and those of power by the owners of the labor force must be eliminated. Not anyone who is rich should speak in a political way." (11, p. 149)
On the other hand, the restriction of diversity and plurality in political parties also led to a type of contraction in the intellectual and cultural beliefs. The cleansing of the institutions, which had been started since the first days of the Iran's revolution, with a long list of expelled artists, continued to be followed by education and other state administration. It was during the tenure of Mohammad Ali Rajaei and other religious people in the ministry that textbook cleansing programs of Sizdah-be Dar and Nowruz (as non-Islamic manifestations of Iran such as Islam) dismantled mixed schools (despite the lack of rural schools) which was conducted. (20, p. 158)
Because of the freedom in the late months of 1977 to 1359, this place became a concentration of power during a political orientation, and by restricting the intellectual, social, political, and cultural activity of dissidents and liberal forces, the artistic and the social situation subsequently experienced a constriction. During this period, the art became a subordinated of the political and social atmosphere of the country; a political and social atmosphere gradually replaced the diversity and plurality of political groups with a centralization of power.
The cultural atmosphere and the meaning of photography
Since the codification of the first post-revolutionary cultural policy document was done in the early 1990s, it has previously played a key and central role in cultural policy-making at a ministry today known as the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance. In the 1980s, during the reign of Mir Hossein Mousavi, in the cultural arena as well as in the field of economics, democratic government was dominated and the cultural policies were determined by the governing board. The cultural approach of the political regime in 1980s was based on cultivation, purification, and sublimation; and it emphasized on school supervision and protection which is based on the judicial and conscience principles. In such an approach, the concept of photography had no means of fine arts. The publication of a collection entitled "A review of the Nature of the Imperial Western-University Academic Humanities," approves this matter in which the whole of the Iranian higher education system was rejected because it was being based on Western philosophy and imperial vision. For example, the text stated that the fine arts disciplines had the task of executing the devil's menus through media and cinema and television based on Greek and Roman art and the Renaissance movement, and the discipline of sociology was the driving force behind Marxism and capitalism. (20, p. 171 to 175) In the cultural field, in the traditional revolutionary-discourse of the 1980s, it was arguable that introspection, cultural localism, counter-aggression, and cultural transformation and cultural NATO were formulated (15, p. 15 and 17). Such positions practically called into question previous definitions of art and photography and demanded new ones.
In addition, in the continuation of the process of cultural constriction, it should be noted that many publications were closed, which were in practice a platform for different ideas on politics, society, culture and, consequently, art. According to a study, the numbers of press releases in the country from 26 January 1978 to the end of September 1980 were 253 titles. During this period, 88 parties and groups were active in the country, with 153 of the 253 journals (or 60.4%) officially being published as party journals, most reflecting the Marxist leftist approach (21.5%) as well as the revolutionary approach which were with the concept of secular (20%). But that changed gradually. For example, in August 1980, a Prosecutor's Office ordered the seizure of 21 journals, and the number of journals seized by September of that year reached 41. (20, p. 222)
These things caused to form a definition of photography in the 1980s that defined photography not as a form of fine art but as a media position that was meant to move towards reform and excellence in society. Photography must also become a media for the sights instead of a media for the elites. Therefore, if photography became a media for the benefit of the oppressed and the lower classes, one would have to adopt a language that is understandable to this class it means that it should select a view based on social realism. This view of photography likes to the photography of the socialist realism movement that was planned and theorized in the Soviet Union. In this sense, fine art must be able to inform and stimulate the lower classes. Among the criteria of an art-work from the point of view of socialist realism can be linked to reality, avoidance of abstraction, and complexity along with the simplicity and ease of understanding of the art-work by the audience. In addition, any avant-gardism in art was denounced as a complication of reality and a lack of awareness. It was such an attitude that, after the establishment of the Communist military, laid the groundwork for the migration of many avant-garde artists and Russian progressives who were known as exemplars of abstract and constructive artists.
It should be said that documentary photography of the manifestations of poverty, inequality, and all kinds of urban and rural deprivation in the 1960s also had a distinct political function. In fact, these visual documents, rather than being a sign of the ineffectiveness of the new government, were in fact a confirmation of the claims of the revolutionary leaders. In fact, a new government that was involved in war and internal tensions was not expected to overcome these problems in the short term, but the photographs that exacerbated these problems and rooted problems were documented as depicting the legacy of the Pahlavi regime and were practically right and they proved Iran's revolution.
The Meaning of Photography in the 1980s
The political obstruction, especially after the political clashes of the 1980s and the prevailing attitude towards the political, social and cultural area of the country, naturally spread to other areas, including art and photography. In other words, the unquestionable dominance of a political discourse meant that both an artistic discourse and, consequently, a dominant discourse on photography. Since the political discourse of the 1980s in the government of Mir Hossein Mousavi focused on ideas such as social justice, the supporting the oppressed, this discourse had effects on the concept of photography. The motto of supporting the oppressed and the government's commitment and mission in photography also manifested itself in a form of committed social documentary photography. Photography, in this sense, committed itself to using its camera to record problems, social inequalities, especially to portray the problems of marginalized and disadvantaged groups. That is why we have seen so many photographs of villagers, suburbs, and manifestations of rural and urban poverty over the years.
It is interesting that this view was internalized and disseminated not only by government agencies but also by the photographers themselves. For example, Amirali Javadian, a war photographer, defined photography as below: "Photographers are unambiguous and truthful recorders of the truth ... and what is expected of committed photography is to serve human excellence." (7, p. 14) Mahmoud Jahromi Rajabi says: ''photography is a kind of community service just like medicine. He believes that a committed photographer, addressing the problems and needs of the community by presenting the issues of the community. (8, p. 15) Abbas Bagherian, who exhibited his collection "Fishermen" in the Museum of Contemporary Art in 1980, believed that photography should "affect, laugh, awaken, sometimes expose the oppressor, and leads the oppressed scream". (6, p. 14). (Pictures 2, 3 and 4)
Majid Dookhtechi Zadeh, one of the first graduates of high school television and cinema in photography and graphic arts, believes that photography is the language that the peoples of today's world need to it for expressing their pain and suffering. He also believes that "religious beliefs, patriotism, political beliefs, and the right philosophy help him fulfill his mission as a committed human." (12, p. 14). Afshin Shahroudi, a photographer and photography critic, also says in his photography, defines photography: "art is a weapon which should be used and delve deeper into the social issues of the problems and also repair and heal it”. (14, p. 32)
Regardless of individual assessments, this commitment-based attitude was also strongly reinforced in other major national and photography events. In the spring of 1981, with the help of Farshad Farahi  and the cooperation of Airlines of the Republic of Iran (Homa), the first large post-revolution Iranian photo exhibition entitled "Child, Faith, and Emancipation" was held at the Tehran Museum of Contemporary Art with 336 photographs. Most of the exhibited photographs were the photos of child labor, living conditions in the countryside and the outskirts of cities, and were therefore classified as social documentary photography. (Figs.5 and 6)
This kind of photography attitude can also be found in the major photography books of that period, including ''Five Views on the Soil'' . Here too, many of the published photographs, which deal with subjects such as workers, fishermen, and villagers, follow the same social documentary elements. (Figs. 7 and 8) it was interesting that in the preface of the book, Dehghanpour compares the photographer with the author and the sociologist, and writes that "the photographs in this collection of postcards are not to show the beauties of such masonry tiles and the grandeur of such columns ". (13, p. 10)
Fig. 7- Mahshid Farahmand, Machinery Factory, Karaj Road, 1979, Source: The Book of Five Views on Soil
Besides the annual photo exhibition and solo exhibitions in galleries, Young Cinema Festival, which plays an important role in consolidating the social documentary attitude in Iranian photography, was one of the stimulants on those years. Although the Young Cinema Festival has been in operation since the early sixties, it has been added to the festival since the beginning of the year of 1986. The photograph department of the 5th Young Cinema Festival was held in 1987 in sacred defense, life, culture, nature, architecture, and photography techniques. As indicated by the specified categories, most of the art-works which were exhibited at the festival was devoted to the scenes of the Iran-Iraq war and its aftermath, traditional and rural architecture, and displaying the effects of urban and rural poverty. In fact, the issue of commitment and prophecy in photography in those years seemed to be inextricably linked with the manifestation of a linkage deprivation. (Figs. 9 and 10) it is interesting that a report  on the exhibit has responded to the issue by suggesting the widespread volume of these stereotypical and repetitive photographs. this report refers to the large number of photographs taken on the subject of the poor and street vendors and the like, it says: "Perhaps this is the result of a misconception about committed photography which is common in Iran, the way that we think if we Take a photo of a bulbous or a poor person in the street, we are a committed photographer and we care about our social issues.” (16, p. 3)
As the evidence shows, the social documentary attitude, which is about both components of realism and commitment, had many effects on the meaning and concept of photography in Iran in the 1980s. Apart from the governmental institutions which promoted such a concept of photography, in many cases photographers themselves promoted such ideas and beliefs about photography. This caused to make alternative attitudes to photography virtually marginal and stopped creativity and innovation. However, there were photographers who were trying to leave the commitment and prophecy in photography.
Intellectual-cultural discourses in the 1980s
Despite the domination of the cultural arena in the 1980s, there were minimal openings in the cultural area since the middle years of this decade which this issue started to appear with magazines such as Sokhan, Adineh, and Keyhan. These new publications virtually were like a bridge between dissidents and intellectuals with society. Ehsan Naraghi, Ahmad Shamloo, Reza Barahani, Iraj Afshar, Morad Farhadpour, and Hooshang Golshiri were some of the prominent who wrote for these publications. Another example of these alternative arenas is the Farabi Foundation, led by Seyyed Mohammad Beheshti, who created a background for filmmakers such as Dariush Mehrjuei, Kianoush Ayari, and Amir Naderi. (20, p. 272 and 273). On the other hand, the emergence of pluralism and new theological (Hermeneutic) attitudes with figures such as Shabestari and Soroush illustrated the emergence of a different attitudes and viewpoint in the field of cultural policy-making since the mid-1980s. In this sense, culture needs development and transformation, advocating cultural competition, cultural privatization, non-domination of culture, and the cultural market. (20, p. 231)
It could be said that although the dominant discourse on the cultural area of the country was revolutionary and religiously formal, state-owned and religious, it did not allow modernist and customary attitudes to grow and become public and left them as marginal discourses. this small places in the form of publications and organizations such as the Farabi Foundation and the Center for Intellectual Development were a place for new ideas in the arts and culture that were also influenced by the photography arena.
Intellectual-cultural discourses in the revolutionary period
As the prevailing political discourse has led to the formation of a dominant attitude and discourse in photography, the political-cultural discourses that have emerged since the mid-1980s in arenas such as the Farabi Cinema Foundation and journals such as Sokhan and Keyhan have also emerged which were to find a new attitudes towards photography. In these marginal attitudes, we see photography as a kind of commitment to represent suffering, but as a means of expression, emotion, and thought. For example, Hadi Haraji  in relation to photography says: "the Photograph represents the photographer, until I have learned the pros and cons of it and not aware of its connections to other choices such as literature, music, cinema, and other different everyday tasks of life.”We're not going to go far enough to say that photography is a recording of moments." (10, p. 14)
Haraji’s perception of the photograph can be seen in the photographer's feelings and perceptions of the moment and it is presented in the photos. Unlike the area of those years, his photographs are not about substantial and sensitive moments, tragedy, or misery but they are simple recordings of simple moments in life that have neither a specific narrative nor a prophecy. (Figs. 3-59 and 3-60) In fact, this approach may be compared to the equivalence movement in photography itself.  In this approach, the photographer's intuitive sense of the scene, especially at that particular moment, forms the basis of the photograph. Maybe that's why the photograph which Haraji took from the window is so similar to one of Minor White's "Dream of the Window". (Fig.11)
Kamran Jebreili who took photo gradually in the mid-1980s, believes that the basic foundations of photography are formed in the photographer's mind, even when the camera is not with him. In this regard, he says, "these two like practicing of the ultimate dream, when the photograph of the mental scheme reaches the existential reality." (17, p. 14) Jebreili was architecture graduated and created one of the most iconic in the mid-1980s photographs by taking photo of Iranian architecture. The collection which is called "Iranian Area", though moving around the traditional Iranian area, rarely is about the exoticism and visual stereotypes of Iranian geography. In fact, in Jebreili's photographs, the present and the past are intertwined in some way, and the quality of timelessness is given to the subject in front of the camera. By choosing a relatively consistent approach, he has been able to maintain coherence and diversity in this collection. In Jebreili's art-works, there is a lot of emphasis on the form of architects, which is a matter of formalistic quality. It is interesting that in his photos the photography tradition of Dusseldolf can be seen and it is before deadpan photography was introduced in Iran. (Figs. 12 and 13).
Figs. 12 and 13- Kamran Jebreili, from the collection "Iranian Space", 1980s, Source: Photo Magazine
Homayoun Asadian continued these attitudes without the matter of prophecy and commitment in 1967. He sees commitment as a marginal category for photography, and says: "I've never thought about why, and what commitment I'm pursuing ... commitment is a secondary issue." (2, p. 21) Interestingly, in his art-works, this concern or mission gives way to a form of formalism; even where the subject of the work is difficult, Asadian's point of view is emphasized from the point of view of form. (Figs. 14 and 15)
December 1967 coincides with the holding of the second annual photo exhibition, which is held with a free theme. The exhibition will feature 220 photographs from 1,650 submitted photographs, including Nazi Neivandi's "Birthday" collection which is significant. (18, pp. 53 and 54). The most striking point in this series is its attempt to cross the rigid and irrational boundaries imposed by the definitions and components of social documentary photography on the Iranian photography in the 1960s. In Neivandi's photographs, a combination of different arrangements, from the setting of the scene to the transformation of one photograph into another can be seen. (Fig. 16) In fact, the ''Birth'' Collection shows that despite documentary photography dominating Iranian photography area, there have been leaps and bounds of photographing since the mid-1980s among Iranian photographers, though not until a decade later.
In 1988, Jahangir Cheraghi organized an exhibition entitled "My Home", which can be mentioned as a special event in Iranian photography in those years. in that period when the photographers have had to go to war fronts, deprived areas, or pristine nature to find attractive subjects, Cheraghi were taking photograph of his house as the subject of photography for two years. (Figs. 17 and 18) "Many things are considered normal, simple and even ugly," he said. ''For this reason, less attention is paid to them and you see them, unaware that even from simplicity and ugliness, one can access creative and very beautiful photos. (9, p. 34). In fact, it can be said that what transforms these ordinary issues into beautiful and effective photos is their form. Photographs are simple but thought-provoking passages from everyday life; life as it is. This reference to the lived experience and the living place later Farshid Azarang in the early years of the 2000's, in the book of ''Faramooshi'' to a degree of perfection.
However, the first decisive partition point from that committed and prophecy-oriented attitude is the art-work of Touraj Hamidian, which was exhibited at the Golestan Gallery in August 1990. it is interesting that Touraj Hamidian summarizes the formalist attitude of photography in a comprehensive discussion of his exhibition. He claims that his photographs are a kind of attempt to make sense of photography itself, which is not intended to be behind these forms. "You will find nothing else which is in the prophecy of other visual arts," says Hamidian. (3, p. 13). (Figs. 19 and 20)
Photography, University, and Alternative Attitudes
As one of the other reasons for the emergence of different attitudes and approaches towards photography (despite all the shortcomings and deficiencies) of the mid-1980s that have emerged in the form of formalism, urban landscape photography, and portraiture, we should mention the academic course of photography in the universities.  The photography curriculum stated that the course is designed to prepare dedicated and professional people to satisfy the needs of the Islamic Revolutionary community in various fields which are related to photography. In the same document, of course, one of the functions of photography was to openly engage in artistic photography and to use the art of photography as a means of communicating with the audience, namely, the photo in the title. In fact, the photography university created the area for a number of well-known Iranian photographers, such as Yahya Dehghanpour and Bahman Jalali, who taught photography abroad, were the masters who tried to introduce students to some contemporary attitudes in photography.
1988 coincides with the inaugural Student Photo and Video Festival which was held in June 1988, with 180 photographs of 40 photography students at the Museum of Contemporary Art, an exhibition in which a woman named ''Laleh Sherkat'' received an honorary diploma in the social part of the festival. But more importantly that year, there is an exhibition of four students of photography at the Faculty of Fine Arts, which is being screened at Tehran's small cinema. (5, p. 15)  In this exhibition, Mehran Mohajer's self-portraits not only distinguish themselves from other art-works of this exhibition, but also they were different from Iranian photography at that time. (Fig. 21) While social documentary attitudes always try to trace the work and presence of the photographer in order to see their audience face the reality, these self-portraits emphasize the existence of the photographer as the factor that shapes it. The art-woks of ''Sorena Mohammadi'' are distinctive in this exhibition, although, as Amir ''Okhovat'' points out in his criticism of the exhibition, they are some copies of Duane Michals' photographs and not more, but it shows the need to test his attitudes and new approaches toward photography. (Figs. 22 and 23)
Fig. 21- Mehran Mohajer, Self-portrait, 1988 Fig. 22- Duane Michals, Fig. 23- Sorena Mohammadi, 1988
In 1989, another exhibition of students of photography in Kandelos was held, where no indication of the components of social documentary photography can be found. Most of the themes depicted in this exhibition are outdated and everyday themes that the photographer has had a formalistic encounter with. In other words, what is most appealing about the photograph is not the subject itself, but the transformation of the subject into visual components such as dots, lines, and shapes. (Figs. 24 and 25)
It is interesting that as we approach the final years of the 1980s, the need to test new attitudes and approaches of photography is increasingly felt by Iranian photographers. However, despite some collections, such as ''Birth'' by Nazi Neivandi or ''self-portrait'' by Mehran Mohajer, this alternative attitude toward photography remains largely formalistic in the 1980s. This is common approach of the art-work of photographers such as Hadi Haraji, Homayoun Asadian, Kamran Jebreili, and Toraj Hamidian as photographers whose work deviates from the definitions of social documentary photography.
The constriction of the intellectual-cultural area which was the result of the blockade of the political space, caused filliping the dissenters, the closure of magazines offices, and the cynicism towards the fine arts, and finally, it made the documentary approach being the most important one in Iranian photography in the 1980s. The social documentary, since it carried the two components of realism and social commitment within it, was the best option for the revolutionary atmosphere of the country that wanted art not for the elites but for the groups and crowds. On the other hand, the ideas of supporting the oppressed, promoting justice and social-economic equality became hegemonic and have led many Iranian photographers to use photography as a tool to reform their newfound society. a real photographer is someone whose photographs represent the social problems to find solutions and solve them. In addition, depicting the manifestations of poverty and deprivation in the 1980s, instead of introducing as the problem of the revolutionary government, was as documents of the heritage of Pahlavi regime and affirmed widespread social-economic inequalities in that period.
Nevertheless, despite the dominance of social documentary attitudes toward national exhibitions, photography books and solo exhibitions, from the mid-1380s, the creation of a series of photographs from that are not so much associated with the components of commitment and realism and are more based on formal and innovative aspects of photographic creation can be seen. In fact, the root of such attitudes must be traced back to the minimal openings in the country's intellectual-cultural environment, including the publication of journals in which the views of some dissidents and intellectuals were published. Facing these new ideas in various fields has led undermine the one-side consideration which was regnant on the social area of the country and created the way for new encounters with photography. In addition, the photography as an academic course also helped to develop alternative attitudes towards photography. It was this time that some photographers shifted from social documentary photography to other attitudes. Of course, this alternative attitude of photography remained and focused on formalism until the end of the 1980s and did not go beyond it.
 Yervand Abrahamyan, (2010), the History of Modern Iran, Mohammad Ebrahim Fattahi Valilaei, Third Edition, Tehran: Ney Publishing.
 Homayoun Asadiyan, (1988), Introducing a Photographer, Photo Monthly Magenize, Second Year, No. 5, pp. 16-21.
 Masood Amirlouie, (1989), A Narrative of Nature, Report of the Photography Exhibition by Tuoraj Hamidian, Photo Monthly Magezine, Fourth Year, No. 5, pp. 12-15.
 Rajab Izadpanah and Amir Rezaeinejad, (2013), The Social and Economic Basis of Transformation in the Dominant Political Discourses in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Contemporary Political Queries, Fourth Year, No. 4, pp. 74-47.
 Amir Okhovat, (1988), A Look at the "Photo Exhibition": Four Students, Photo Monthly, Second Year, Nos. 9, 15 and 17.
 Abbas Bagherian, (1988), Introducing a Photographer, Photograph, Second Year, No. 4, July 67, pp. 8-16.
 Amir Ali Javadian, (1987), Introducing a Young Photographer, Photo Monthly, First Year, No. 4, pp. 12-15.
 Masoud Jahromi Rajabi, (1988), Introducing a Photographer, Photograph, Second Year, No. 3, June 67, pp. 18-23.
 Jahangir Cheraghi, (1989), Introducing a Photographer, Photo Monthly, Third Year, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 31 to 35.
 Hadi Haraji, (1987), Introducing a Photographer, Photo Monthly, First Year, No. 5, pp. 11-14.
 Mohammad Ali Hosseinzadeh, (2007), Discourses Governing Post-Revolutionary States in the Islamic Republic of Iran, First Edition, Tehran: Islamic Revolution Documentation Center Publications.
 Majid Dukhtachi Zadeh, (1989), Introducing a Photographer, Photograph, Third Year, Number One and Second, April and May 68, pp. 10-15.
 Yahya Dehghanpour, (1982), From Good Photographs and Anonymous Faces, in Five Views on the Soil, pp. 7-11, Tehran: Zamineh Publications.
 Afshin Shahroudi, (1987), Introducing a Photographer, Photo Monthly, Volume 12, Number 30 to 36.
 Rahmatollah Sedighe Sarvastani, Qassem Zaeri, (2010), A Study of Post-Revolutionary Cultural Discourses and the Quadratic Trends Affecting Cultural Policy in the Islamic Republic, Social Science Research, No. 54, pp. 38-9.
 Photo (1988), Third Issue, Second Year, June.
 Photo (1988), No. 7, Second Year, October 1988.
 (Photo (1988), Nos. 10 and 11, Second Year, January and February 1988).
 Photo (1889), Issues 1 and 2, Third Year, April and May 1989.
 Mustafa Meyrasim (2005), Cultural Curriculum after the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1980-80), Designer: Academic Jihad Research Group, First Edition, Tehran: Center for the Recognition of Islam and Iran.
 This collection was published by the Islamic Association of Students of Humanities and Academic Jihad of Tarbiat Modarres University.
 From 45 volumes of photography books which were published in 1988, 18 volumes were about (40%) war.
 Among the first graduates of the High School of Cinema and Television
 Head of Photography Department of Museum of Contemporary Art
 The "Five Views on the Soil" book, released in November 1991, contains 63 photographs of five photographers whose names are: Mehdi Khansari, Yahya Dehghanpour, Bahman Jalali, Mahshid Farahmand, and Karim Emami.
 The report is published in the third issue of Photo Magazine.
 Before the revolution, Haraji had a photo exhibition at the Ghandariz Gallery in 1973.
 I do not mean here that the art-works of Iranian photographers at that period were of equal value to the photographers of the equivalence style at the beginning of the twentieth century. In the equivalence style, it was argued that the photograph could evoke the photographer's feeling at the moment the photograph was taken.
 It should be said that based on the documents available in 1984, the Photography course was established in three academic complexes including Tehran University and Art Complex. More precisely, the Cultural Revolution Staff approved a bachelor of photography course on June 1984.
 Photographers participating in the exhibition are: Marjan Sadoghi, Mehran Mohajer, Majid Shahrati, and Sorena Mohammadi
 Photographers who participated at the exhibition were: Marjane Sadoughi, Mehran Mohajer, Roshanak Nouri, Ziba Vesali, Sorena Mohammadi, Mahmoud Morovati, and Majid Shahrati.